
Propaganda poster by Bezes Earth Fund showin earth surrounded by a tupid forest. Photo: File photo.

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Propaganda poster by Bezes Earth Fund showin earth surrounded by a tupid forest. Photo: File photo.
By Rainer Shea – May 29, 2023
The project by Jeff Bezos and other oligarchs to weaponize the concept of anti-colonialism towards reinforcing capitalism goes deeper than their ādecolonialā NGOs. This is because whereas these NGOs are relatively easy for developing radicals to recognize as anti-revolutionary, there are other, more insidious ways that imperialism-compatible āanti-colonialā politics is getting normalized. The effort by Bezos to set up his āEarth Fundā so that he canĀ fundĀ bourgeois iterations of āland backā like NDN Collective is supported not just by institutional power, but by narrative power. By a series of ideas within radical spaces which convince actors who otherwise would oppose bourgeois ādecolonizationā to tacitly support it, based on the idea that this is a necessary step towards bringing decolonizationās socialist version.
The way to fight Bezos is by recognizing that heās not even co-opting the USAās āanti-colonialā movement, as this movement in its modern mainstream iteration was a tool of capitalism in the first place. The examples of genuinely revolutionary anti-colonialism in the core are scarcer than radical liberals want us to believe. At this stage, revolutionary anti-colonialists only exist among either activists who are too ideologically underdeveloped to be tied to the Democratic Party (and these types often get assimilated into reformism), or ones who are so exceptionally developed as to be able to consciously reject the Democratic Partyās influence. Otherwise, the DNC is the thing theyāre helping, not a true project to overthrow the colonial/capitalist state. This widespread cowardice and complicity in the countryās left is why even though the U.S. empire is collapsing worldwide, itās still far too stable in the core. Those who are supposed to represent the countryās liberation struggles lack revolutionary intentions, and even when they say theyāre revolutionary, they often advance radical liberalism instead of serious Marxism.
To expand the influence and numbers of the serious Marxists, we have to expose an extremely important reality about the nature of todayās conditions in the USA: that even though the U.S. continues to be a settler-colonial state, the economic structure itās based upon makes it able to continue acting as an imperialist force, even if settler-colonialism were ended. That is, as long as the decolonization project were to take on a bourgeois class character, rather than a proletarian one. Even if the U.S. and Canada were completely decolonized, they would still be able to extract from the imperial peripheries unless socialism came along with the decolonization process. We would simply have a modified version of imperialism and class society, where a Native bourgeoisie has been able to attain fully equal status to the white bourgeoisie while working class people within and without the continent are still exploited.
This is what Bezos, NDN, and Canadaās own efforts at raising up an indigenous bourgeoisie are already making a reality. Theyāre selling land privatization via a scam where they call this āgiving the land back,ā when in reality theyāre only giving it back to an opportunistic minority of Natives while the conditions of the Native proletarians remain unchanged. And of course while the conditions of the workers in the neo-colonies, or the victims of imperialismās wars, arenāt improved in any way either. The imperialists are also carrying out a parallel ādecolonialā scam within the Global South, where as the planet warms, theyāre increasinglyĀ usingĀ the need to protect indigenous lands as a pretext for U.S. military involvement. Itās the same scam that the liberals have carried out when theyāve sold āgreenā imperialism, or āfeministā imperialism, or ārainbowā imperialism.
The radicals who promote ādecolonial theoryā which lacks a proletarian class character are assisting this project for a ādecolonizedā imperialism, whether they intend to or not. How to recognize such types of anti-Marxist theory, even though its propagators try to present it as āMarxist?ā By seeing whether it represents such a serious break from Marxism as itās been established by previous theoreticians, you canāt honestly argue that itās reconcilable with Marxism. This is what one can recognize about Gerald Horneās argument that the American revolution of 1776 was a reactionary event, as described by this part from theĀ deconstructionĀ of that argument by Midwestern Marx. The essay observes how Horne, and by extension all those who share his ideas, have discarded the notion of historical materialism shared by all of historyās biggest figures within Marxism:
Horne briefly acknowledges this, but tries to glibly explain it away, by saying that Lenin, Ho Chi Minh and other revolutionaries were merely being motivated āmore by diplomatic niceties and protocol than anything elseā. The notion that leaders of revolutionary projects which were literally at war with US imperialism would be primarily motivated by diplomatic niceties is, again, something that is very difficult to believe. Whatās also rather stunning about Horneās treatment of the American Revolution is the lack of engagement with previous Marxist scholarship on the subject, odd for someone who claims to come from that tradition. In āThe Counter Revolution of 1776ā, there is not even a passing acknowledgement of the foundational work of WEB Dubois, Herbert Aptheker [especially his classic work āNegro Slave Rebellionsā], Eugene Genovese and so many others who had written on the American Revolution and slavery while applying a Marxist class analysis. The notion that all these sharp scholars, famed for training their laser eyes on aspects of history buried or obscured by the ruling class, would have failed to uncover a historical fact as enormous as the American colonial rebellion of 1776 being motivated by slavery, strains credulity to a breaking point.
Whatās the effect of this repudiation of Marxism in the name of āanti-colonialism?ā Itās to fortify imperialismās organizational and discourse control over our popular movements. The same is true about ādegrowthā in relation to the environmental movement: itās a āgreenāĀ theory thatās compatible with capitalism and unable to be incorporated into Marxism. As long as those who claim to be Marxists are informed by the āanti-colonial theoryā that liberal academics have constructed (which is absolutely what informed Horneās 1776 analysis), rather than actual Marxism, theyāll remain unable to win. This is because as Parenti implied in hisĀ critiqueĀ of these theories, they cultivate a mentality which makes one unable to gain the support of the broad population:
Many who pretend to be on the Left are so rabidly anti-Marxist as to seize upon any conceivable notion except class power to explain what is happening in the world. They are the Anything-But-Class (ABC) theorists who, while not allied with conservatives on most political issues, do their part in stunting class consciousness. The āleftā ABC theorists say we are giving too much attention to class. Who exactly is doing that? Surveying the mainstream academic publications, radical journals, and socialist scholars conferences, one is hard put to find much class analysis of any kind. Far from giving too much attention to class power, most U.S. writers and commenĀtators have yet to discover the subject. While pummeling a rather minuscule Marxist Left, the ABC theorists would have us think they are doing courageous battle against hordes of Marxists who domiĀnate intellectual discourse in this countryāyet another hallucination they hold in common with conservatives.
Class is the most relevant thing to the lives of the majority of the U.S. population. Itās the reason why almost two-thirds are now living paycheck to paycheck. To reject focusing on the class contradiction in oneās rhetoric, to talk more about what divides the workers than what unites them, is to limit oneās potential receptive audience to a niche online community. If all Marxists acted like this, the state would have no chance of being defeated. Which ironically would mean decolonization, true decolonization where the workers within the U.S. empireās internal colonies gain power, wouldnāt ever be liberated. To win, we need to reach a synthesis between anti-colonialism and the labor struggle. Because anti-colonialism is something thatās compatible with Marxism, existing and historic socialist countries have had projects for rectifying the colonial contradiction. Our problem in the core is that when you hear about āanti-colonialism,ā the default scenario is that itās a bourgeois scam. The only way to correct this situation is by not entertaining the anti-Marxist ācritical theoriesā which narratively support the scam, and building a working class movement thatās capable of winning the people.

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