Venezuelan opposition leaders Henrique Capriles (left) and MarĂa Corina Machado (right). File photo.
By MisiĂłn Verdad – Feb 21, 2025
The Venezuelan far-right opposition coalition Unitary Platform for Democracy (PUD) issued an extensive statement on Wednesday, February 19, outlining their demanded “conditions” for participating in the upcoming May 25 elections.
Although the bloc called the vote a “fundamental tool of citizens for to achieve political change,” it asserted that “the political and institutional conditions do not exist, nor the real electoral guarantees that would allow any electoral process to be considered as a true election.”
The statement proceeded to list several prerequisites for their participation in the upcoming elections for governorships, legislative councils, and the National Assembly.
Most notably, the demands included an “immediate negotiation” to enforce what they claim was Edmundo González’s victory in the July 28 presidential elections. The PUD also insisted on the “unrestricted use” of the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) electoral symbol and called for a “reliable arbitrator,” suggesting the formation of a new National Electoral Council (CNE.)
The PUD statement followed the CNE’s announcement announcement postponing the elections from their original April 27 date. The new May 25 date extends the timeline for anti-Chavista political parties to finalize their participation decisions and form alliances.
Unitary Platform’s “pressures”: between weakness and inconsistency
MarĂa Corina Machado and Edmundo González, who advocate for abstention from the electoral process, immediately endorsed the statement. They reiterated their position that any election without González assuming the presidency would be “a farce.”
The PUD parties’ alignment with Machado and González’s agenda has sparked significant discord within the opposition coalition. Two member parties, Un Nuevo Tiempo (UNT) and Movement for Venezuela (MPV), have already declared their intention to participate in the elections. Notably, these same parties had previously backed Edmundo González in the July 28 presidential elections, making their current divergence particularly striking.
Meanwhile, other significant groups like Justice First (PJ, currently without an electoral symbol) and Democratic Action (AD, Ramos Allup’s faction, also without an electoral symbol) are still deliberating their participation. Their decisions carry particular weight given their historical prominence within the opposition coalition.
This sequence of events, typical of the war of positions among factions, indicates that there is no single and comprehensive leadership that can establish a unique strategy, solidly supported by the parties, while Machado’s “leadership” is deteriorating rapidly.
In this context, the statement’s conditions are entirely unrealistic, bordering on absurd.
The most outlandish demand suggests the Venezuelan government should “negotiate” President Nicolás Maduro’s continuation in office in favor of either an exiled Edmundo González, an “underground” MarĂa Corina Machado, or the PUD – a fragmented organization composed of clientelist parties unable to formulate effective proposals.
Opposition Organizes to Participate in May 25 Elections in Venezuela
Furthermore, the statement fails to establish any hierarchy among its demands or clarify whether partial fulfillment of conditions, such as a new CNE or access to the MUD symbol, would secure their participation in the May elections.
The PUD’s request for the MUD symbol seems particularly inconsistent given their current stance of non-participation in the May elections. This raises several questions: What purpose would the symbol serve in this context? Do they intend to use it regardless of whether Maduro “negotiates” power transfer to González? Or does their primary demand supersede all others?
The far-right opposition’s lack of concrete political influence has become evident. They hold minimal sway over decision-making processes or agenda-setting capabilities.
Currently, the Venezuelan government is maintaining the initiative by advancing both the May elections and the constitutional reform process, which will be the biggest political event in the country in 2025. Meanwhile, the PUD remains caught between internal strategic disagreements and indecision about maintaining their electoral participation.
This fundamental weakness explains the statement’s timing as an attempt to quell internal party debates about electoral participation.
The abstentionist advocates appear to be capitalizing on the month-long election postponement. They recognize this extended timeline might encourage certain factions to pursue difficult negotiations and seek consensus among clearly divided groups. However, these factions would need to overcome both pressure and accusations to break from the abstentionist position, while simultaneously attempting to build competitive alliances.
Traditional leadership wants to opt for the electoral route
Barely 24 hours after the issuance of the PUD statement, Henrique Capriles and José Tomas Guanipa allegedly held a closed door meeting with PJ members from different parts of the country to discuss the electoral issue. This resulted in Capriles issuing a statement on Friday, February 21 in the name of “the majority of the National Political Committee” of his party, declaring “freedom of conscience” and participation in the elections.
The internal division in PJ—a party without an electoral symbol—is complex and serious. Capriles appears to be challenging abstentionist politics by attempting to revive his diminished leadership in partially controlled territory, possibly eyeing the Miranda State governorship, as President Maduro has speculated.
Several politicians with traditional leadership credentials maintain significant influence in Venezuela’s interior regions. Governors Manuel Rosales, Morel RodrĂguez, Sergio Garrido, and Alberto GalĂndez all seek reelection. Various opposition coalitions currently control over 60 mayoralties, which they aim to retain.
These elected officials, along with other local leaders, represent a traditional leadership style deeply connected to day-to-day politics and regional concerns.
These politicians, who have spent years campaigning for reelection or eligibility, could see their aspirations threatened by unilateral decisions from Caracas-based groups following Machado and González’s directives.
Historical context provides insight: following the opposition’s decisive victory in the 2015 parliamentary elections, former MUD sectors either abstained from or entered divided into the 2017 regional and municipal elections, which were held separately. During the 2017 municipal elections, while some parties formally abstained, their leaders participated through alternative alliances—a practice their original parties tolerated. This was particularly common in AD, the opposition force most successful in regional elections over the past 25 years, and also occurred among PJ politicians. Similar patterns may emerge this year.
The approaching May elections present a constrained timeline for opposition parties and blocs to maneuver. Regardless of their current positions, the May elections will proceed and shape the trajectory of other ongoing processes, including President Nicolás Maduro’s proposed constitutional reform.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/SC/DZ
