
Marcello Musto, Karl Marxâs Writings on Alienation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (2021). 164 page

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Marcello Musto, Karl Marxâs Writings on Alienation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (2021). 164 page
By Carlos L. Garrido
âStemming primarily from Marxâs analysis of the fetishism of commodities in Capital Vol I, Georg LĂźkacsâ 1923 text, History and Class Consciousness, reintroduces the theory of alienation into Marxism through his concept of âreificationâ (verdinglichung, versachlichung). For LĂźkacs, reification described the âphenomenon whereby labor activity confronts human beings as something objective and independent, dominating them through external autonomous lawsâ (4-5). However, as Musto notes, and as LĂźkacs rectifies in the preface to the 1967 French republication of his text, âHistory and Class Consciousness follows Hegel in that it too equates alienation with objectificationâ (5).
The equation of alienation and objectification is the central philosophical error which creates the grounds for the ontologizing of alienation. For Marx, objectification is simply âlaborâs realization,â the process wherein labor gets âcongealed in an object.â[8] When human labor produces an object, we have objectification. Only under certain historically determined conditions does objectification become alienating. As Marx writes in the EPM,
â
The alienation of the worker in his product means not only that his labor becomes an object [i.e., objectification] an external existence, but that it exists outside him, independently, as something alien to him, and that it becomes a power on its own confronting him; it means that the life which he has conferred on the object confronts him as something hostile and alien.[9]
Social wealth confronts labor in more powerful portions as an alien and dominant power. The emphasis comes to be placed not on the state of being objectified, but on the state of being alienated, dispossessed, sold; on the condition that the monstrous objective power which social labor itself erected opposite itself as one of its moments belongs not to the worker, but to the personified conditions of production, i.e. to capital.[10]
The bourgeois economists are so much cooped up within the notions belonging to a specific historic stage of social development that the necessity of the objectification of the powers of social labor appears to them as inseparable from the necessity of their alienation vis-Ă -vis living labor⌠[But] the conditions which allow them to exist in this way in the reproduction of their life, in their productive lifeâs process, have been posited only by the historic economic process itself⌠[These] are fundamental conditions of the bourgeois mode of production, in no way accidents irrelevant to it. [11]
From this historical and objective understanding of alienation, Marx formulates in the EPM four ways in which alienation occurs in the capitalist form of life: 1) alienation of the product, wherein the object of labor confronts the laborer as something hostile and alien; 2) alienation in the process of production, i.e., in the social relations through which the work takes place; 3) alienation from the âspecies-beingâ of man as an animal with the unique ability to consciously, creatively, and socially exert mental and physical labor (as a homo faber and sapien) upon nature to create objects of need and aesthetic enjoyment; and 4) alienation from other humans and their objects of labor. Apart from the Feuerbachian essentialism in the language of number 3 (e.g., species-being, species-essence), the pith of this 1844 formulation of the theory will be enriched in his later work, especially in the Grundrisse, where it is given its most systematic consideration.
Along with what Kaan Kangal has called the âEngels debate,â the 1960s debate around the EPM depicted the great bifurcation that existed in Marxism.[13] On the one hand, the Western humanist tradition âstress[ed] the theoretical pre-eminenceâ of Marxâs early work. On the other, the Eastern socialist (and Althusserian) tradition downplayed it as the writing of a pre-Marxist Marx, still entrapped by Hegelian idealism or a Feuerbachian problematic (18).[14] Both of these traditions create an âarbitrary and artificial oppositionâ between an âearly Marxâ and a âmature Marxâ (15). Those who held on to the early writings as containing the âkeyâ to Marxism were, as Musto rightly argues, âso obviously wrong that it demonstrated no more than ignorance of his workâ (16). However, those who dismissed these early writings often landed in a âdecidedly anti-humanist conceptionâ (e.g., Althusserâs theoretical anti-humanism) (ibid). These two sides mirror one another on the basis of an artificial and arbitrary division of a âyoungâ and âmatureâ Marx.
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Musto rejects this dichotomy, and in line with the Polish Marxist Adam Schaff (along with Iring Fetscher, IstvĂĄn MĂŠszĂĄros, and others), provides a third interpretation which identifies a âsubstantive continuity in Marxâs workâ (20). This continuity, however, is not based on a âcollection of quotationsâ pulled indiscriminately from works three decades apart, âas if Marxâs work were a single timeless and undifferentiated textâ (ibid). This tendency, which dominated the discourse around the continuum interpretation, is grounded on a metaphysical (in the traditional Marxist sense) and fixated understanding of Marxâs lifeâs work. It finds itself unable to tarry with a difference mediated understanding of identity, that is, with the understanding that the unity of Marxâs corpus is based on its continuous development, not an artificially foisted textual uniformity. It would be a Quixotic delusion to read the youthful Manuscripts of 44 as identical to the works which were produced as fruits of Marxâs laborious studies of political economy in the 1850-60s. The comprehensive, concrete, and scientific character of Marxâs understanding of political economy and the capitalist mode of life achieved by the 1860s makes the indiscriminate treatment of these works seem all the more foolish.
Instead, the continuity interpretation sees what a careful reading of Mustoâs anthology shows, namely, that the theory of alienation constantly develops, sharpens, and concretizes beyond the limitations inherent in the âvagueness and eclecticismâ of its initial stages (21). As Schaff and Musto argued, âif Marx had stopped writing in 1845-46, he would not â in spite of those who hold the young Marx to be the only âtrueâ one â have found a place in history,â and if he did, it would probably be in a demoted âplace alongside Bruno Bauer and Feuerbach in the sections of philosophy manuals devoted to the Hegelian Leftâ (ibid).[15]
It is impossible to stamp out hard and fast âstagesâ or âepistemological breaksâ in Marxâs thought; he was constantly evolving his thinking according to new research and new concrete experiences.[16] Such a stagist approach can only lead to a confused nominalist reading of Marx, for every time he read or wrote something new, a ânewâ Marx would have to be postulated. Marxâs life work must be understood as a dynamic, evolving unity, wherein, as Schaff argued, âthe first period is genetically linked to the later ones.â[17] The same could be said, in my view, of his theory of alienation. As his understanding of political economy and the capitalist mode of life concretizes, his understanding of the phenomenon of alienation does as well.
If anything has been lost in this process, it is only that some parts of the specifically philosophical phraseology of the Manuscripts have been replaced by a more concrete phraseology, and in this sense, a more exact and stronger one. What occurs here is not a loss of concepts but only the loss of a few terms connected with these concepts. For me this is so unquestionable that all the problems of the early works are actually rendered more fully later, and moreover, in a more definitive form. It is quite obvious that the process of the âhuman alienationâ under the conditions of an unhindered development of âprivate propertyâ (in the course of its becoming private-capitalistic) is viewed here more concretely and in more detail.[19]
The Manuscripts can be a help in the text of Das Kapital itself in scrutinizing those passages that could otherwise be overlooked. If such passages are overlooked, Das Kapital easily appears as an âeconomic workâ only, and in a very narrow meaning of the term. Das Kapital is then seen as a dryly objective economic scheme free from any trace of âhumanismâ â but this is not Das Kapital, it is only a coarsely shallow interpretation.[20]
âFor the time being, it is impossible to give a definitive answer to that question⌠Possibly the reason lay in Marx’s wish to present Capital as a ‘ dialectically articulated artistic whole’. He may have felt that, in such a totality,’ âChapter Sixâ would be out of place, since it had a double didactic function: as a summary of Volume 1 and as a bridge between Volumes 1 and 2.[23]
The general exchange of activities and products, which has become a vital condition for each individual â their mutual interconnection â here appears as something alien to them, autonomous, as a thing. In exchange value, the social connection between persons is transformed into a social relation between things.[25]
The realm of freedom really begins only where labor determined by necessity and external expediency ends; it lies by its very nature beyond the sphere of material production proper. Just as the savage must wrestle with nature to satisfy his needs, to maintain and reproduce his life, so must civilized man, and he must do so in all forms of society and under all possible modes of production. This realm of natural necessity expands with his development, because his needs do too; but the productive forces to satisfy these expand at the same time. Freedom, in this sphere, can consist only in this, that socialized man, the associated producers, govern the human metabolism with nature in a rational way, bringing it under their collective control instead of being dominated by it as a blind power; accomplishing it with the least expenditure of energy and in conditions most worthy and appropriate for their human nature. But this always remains a realm of necessity. The true realm of freedom, the development of human powers as an end in itself, begins beyond it, though it can only flourish with this realm of necessity as its basis. The reduction of the working day is the basic prerequisite.[27]
[4] For more on the Young Hegelians see: Lawrence S. Stepenlevich, The Young Hegelians: An Anthology, Humanity Books, 1999.
[5] My video for Midwestern Marx, âAlienation â Feuerbach to Marx,â describes the conceptâs transition from Feuerbach to Marxâs Manuscripts of 44.
[6] The Feuerbachian influence which the younger Engels was under is usually understated. I would direct the reader to Engelsâ 1843 review of Thomas Carlyleâs Past and Present (written before The Conditions of the Working Class in England), where this influence is as, or if not more, evident then than in the writings of the younger Marx.
[7] I would add to the list Max Schelerâs 1913 book Ressentiment and Edmund Husserlâs 1936 book, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology, which expands on the arguments of his 1935 lectures on âPhilosophy and the Crisis of European Man.â
[8] Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, Great Books in Philosophy, 1988., pp. 71.
[9] Ibid., 72.
[10] The Grundrisse is an unfinished manuscript not intended for publication, in passages like these, where editing couldâve improved what was said, its manuscript character shines forth.
[11] Karl Marx, Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973., pp. 831-2.
[12] Adam Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual, McGraw-Hill, 1970., pp. 16. I was excited to see Mustoâs frequent usage of Schaff, a thinker far too undervalued in our tradition.
[13] I use âdepictedâ instead of âproducedâ because the split originated well before the 1960s debate, the debate simply manifested what was already a previous split. For more on this split see Domenico Losurdo, El Marxismo Occidental, Editorial Trotta, 2019.
[14] âFeuerbachian problematicâ is how Althusser describes it in his essay âOn the Young Marx.â For more see Louis Althusser, For Marx, Verso, 1979., pp. 66-70.
[15] Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual., pp. 28.
[16] To see how this was done in his later years see: Marcello Musto, The Last Years of Karl Marx, Stanford, 2020. For a shortened version of some of the points made in this text, my review article might be helpful.
[17] Ibid., pp. 24.
[18] Evald Ilyenkov, âFrom the Marxist-Leninist Point of View,â In Marx and the Western World, ed. Nicholas Lobkowicz, University of Notre Dame Press, 1967., pp. 401.
[19] Ibid., pp. 402.
[20] Ibid., pp. 404.
[21] Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual., pp. 21.
[22] Ibid., pp. 15-16.
[23] Marx, Capital Vol 1, Penguin Books, 1982., pp. 944.
[24] Ibid., pp. 165.
[25] Marx, Grundrisse., pp. 157.
[26] Marx, Grundrisse., pp. 172.
[27] Karl Marx, Capital Vol III, Penguin Books, 1981., pp. 958-9.
[28] John Bellamy Foster, Marxâs Ecology, Monthly Review, 2000., pp. 158.
[29] For all the flaws Bukharinâs Historical Materialism textbook has, chapter five on âThe Equilibrium between Society and Natureâ provides a laudable reintroduction of Marxâs concept of metabolism and metabolic rifts.