Hugo Chavez (L) and Fidel Castro (R), Dec. 13, 1994, Havana, Cuba. Photo: CubaDebate
Editorial note: Orinoco Tribune does not generally publish pieces older than two weeks. However, an exception is being made in this case as the current article remains as relevant today as when it was first published.
By Ramón Sanchez Otero – Dec 14, 2024
The Bolivarian Alliance emerged from countless instances of love, solidarity, and shared achievements that united our peoples.
On a cool night of December 13, 1994, Hugo Chavez arrived in Cuba, carrying ideas, emotions, and expectations. It was his first visit to the homeland of Marti and the Cuban people he so admired, and he longed to greet Fidel at least briefly.
What were the circumstances surrounding this historic 36-hour visit and the meeting with Fidel, which would become a milestone in Cuba-Venezuela relations? Why did our Commander-in-Chief invite Lt. Col. Hugo Chavez to Cuba on this date and welcome him at the airport as if he were a Head of State?
1. The Prelude to a Historic Encounter
The initial impact of the February 4, 1992, military rebellion was shocking. At first, international coverage largely described it as a typical Latin American coup attempt.
Fidel, however, quickly grasped—through the Venezuelan people’s reaction and the information he received while Chavez was in prison—that the events of February 4 and its leader represented a new political phenomenon in the region.
Chavez was released from prison on March 26, 1994, and in August, I arrived in Caracas as Cuba’s ambassador. Days after presenting my credentials to President Rafael Caldera, I discreetly arranged a meeting with the insurgent lieutenant colonel, as instructed before leaving Cuba. The meeting took place in a small apartment lent by a friend where Chavez was staying. I was accompanied by Eduardo Fuentes, a representative of the American Department of the Cuban Communist Party’s Central Committee.
The young Bolivarian leader captivated us during our two-hour conversation. A month earlier, our remarkable Eusebio Leal had met Chavez at a lecture he attended on Marti at the Caracas Athenaeum. On that occasion, Eusebio astutely invited Chavez to deliver a lecture at Havana’s Simon Bolivar House, a proposal Chavez enthusiastically accepted. During our conversation, Chavez mentioned that his visit to Cuba could take place in January 1995.
In that relaxed atmosphere, during a family-style lunch, what struck me most was Chavez’s ambition for power. He considered different scenarios and, though uncertain about the form the process would take, was confident he would become president with the support of his people and patriotic, Bolivarian military personnel.
My definitive perception of him was sealed when, as we said goodbye and hugged, he looked me in the eye and said: “Please, tell me how I can help Cuba.” Almost instinctively, moved by the powerful impression he left in such a short time, I responded: “The best help you can give us is to continue with your Bolivarian project…”
Back at the Embassy, Eduardo and I shared impressions to inform Havana. We agreed on something fundamental: Chavez had no prejudices against Cuba. On the contrary, despite initiating a political crusade without resources after his release from prison, his solidarity and lack of any mention of his precarious material situation amazed us. This attitude was crucial in forming our assessment of his moral and political integrity, especially since Cuba often serves as a barometer for assessing the positions of global personalities.
2. The Invitation to Cuba
On December 10, 1994, I was instructed to invite Chavez to deliver the lecture agreed upon with Eusebio on December 17, the anniversary of Simon Bolivar’s death. Chavez indicated he could travel on Dec. 13 and return on the 15th, as he had a planned meeting in Santa Marta, the sacred site of Bolivar’s passing, on the 17th. His proposal was immediately accepted.
Seventy-two hours later, on the night of December 13, Fidel welcomed Chavez at the airport and drove him to a room adjacent to his office at the Council of State. From the outset, Chavez recounted, Fidel scrutinized him with his wise and penetrating gaze.
They spoke for hours, discussing history, Bolivar, Che, Paez, and Ezequiel Zamora. Chavez, impressed by Fidel’s deep knowledge of Venezuelan history and its heroes, jokingly tried to catch Fidel off guard by mentioning Maisanta, his legendary great-grandfather. Fidel surprised him by recounting even anecdotes about Maisanta.
At that moment, Chavez said he took a deep breath and thought, “I surrender! This man is invincible.” He realized he was meeting an exceptional figure “whose thoughts stride alongside time and beyond.”
Fidel also impressed Chavez with his stance that evening, saying: “Here, the fight for freedom, equality, and justice is called socialism. If you call it Bolivarianism, I agree. If you called it Christianity, I’d also agree.”
Chavez shared the possible paths to power, including an armed approach with military and popular support if circumstances demanded it. He concluded that a vigorous presidential campaign in 1998, with significant electoral and military backing, was the best strategy. Fidel, listening intently, responded simply: “That’s a good path.”
The empathy between the two during their early morning meeting on December 14 was total. Chavez fulfilled his dream of meeting Fidel, whom he would later call a father and the “Commander of Commanders.” For his part, Fidel confirmed his earlier impression, made from a distance, that Chavez was a potential new Venezuelan liberator.
The speeches of Chavez at the Casa Simon Bolivar and the Aula Magna of the University of Havana, as well as Fidel’s address at the latter venue on December 14, are well-known.
I will highlight just two defining statements that capture who Chavez was at that moment—a time of global retreat for revolutionary ideas and actions, marked by the unipolar dominance of the United States, when even words like “anti-imperialism,” “revolution,” and “socialism” were rarely mentioned.
First, at the Casa Simon Bolivar, Chavez reflected on Bolivar’s emancipatory project, referring to the man he most admired and emphasizing the possibility of bringing his dreams to life:
“We are convinced that in Venezuela, we must carry out a revolution—economic, social, political, and moral… We are convinced that the Venezuelan people, with Bolivar’s sword, will make his dream come true.”
Then, at the Aula Magna, in just 20 minutes, Chavez outlined his vision and previewed his intentions for mutual cooperation with Cuba and the unification of Our America:
“Someday, we hope to come to Cuba in conditions where we can extend our arms and mutually nourish each other in a Latin American revolutionary project, imbued as we have been for centuries with the idea of a unified Latin American and Caribbean continent—one nation that we are.”
In his remarks, Fidel explained the reasons for inviting Chavez and noted that his visit coincided with the conclusion, just a day earlier in Miami, of the First Summit of the Americas, where the imperialist project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) was announced, designed to definitively consume Latin America and the Caribbean.
Why did our Commander-in-Chief invite Chavez at such a crucial and challenging moment? Fidel understood the need to defeat the FTAA with arguments and by mobilizing public opinion. Alongside this, through revolutionary and emancipatory actions, it was essential to forge an alternative for the unification of Our America, grounded in the ideals of Bolivar and Marti.
The “Commander of Commanders” saw in Chavez the leader of a powerful locomotive for this purpose, fueled by the high-octane historical substance of Bolivarianism.
3. Chavez wins presidential election by a landslide
On December 6, 1998, Chavez achieved a sweeping victory in the presidential elections. Fidel sent him a message in the early hours of the morning via fax to his home:
“Dear Hugo Chavez:
Although you were incessantly harassed and slandered for the brave act of your visit to Cuba—intended to weaken your campaign and reduce your votes—your overwhelming victory demonstrates that the people have learned much.
Cubans, who have closely and silently followed your epic campaign, share the noble and hopeful joy of the Venezuelan people.
We wish you success in the immense and difficult task ahead of you at this crucial moment in the history of Our America, as the hour for Bolivar’s dreams has arrived.”
In his inauguration speech on February 2, 1999, Chavez presented his Bolivarian vision of regional unity in a context dominated by neoliberal, pro-imperialist governments. Many of these puppet presidents, such as Argentina’s Carlos Saul Menem, were present at the ceremony, visibly alarmed, as all were staunch defenders of the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas).
“It is time to revive the dream of unity among us… to propose a confederation of nations in this part of the world, to aim for a unity that goes far beyond mere trade exchanges… Unity is much more comprehensive, much deeper,” he stated.
Forty years earlier, on January 23, 1959, during his triumphant visit to Caracas, still bearing the scents of the Sierra Maestra on his skin, Fidel had expressed similar ideas at Plaza del Silencio, met with widespread acclaim:
“May the destiny of Venezuela, the destiny of Cuba, and the destiny of all the peoples of the Americas become one destiny! Enough of raising statues to Simon Bolivar while forgetting his ideas. What we must do is fulfill Bolivar’s ideas!” After applause and cries of “¡Viva Fidel!”, he added:
“How long will we remain divided? How long will we be victims of powerful interests that target each of our peoples? When will we launch the great call for unity?”
Fidel, our Commander-in-Chief, was also present at Chavez’s inauguration on February 2, 1999, taking continuous notes during the speech of his dear friend. He had good reason: the next day, at the Aula Magna of the Central University of Venezuela, he delivered a memorable six-hour speech, filled with memories and lessons, with the primary aim of supporting the cherished sister of the Cuban Revolution, which had been born only hours earlier.
“Revolution is the child of culture and ideas,” he declared.
The shared vision between the two is not difficult to explain: they share the same historical lineage, that of Bolivar and Marti. The unique advantage of Chavez and Fidel, unlike their predecessors, is that they were able to know each other and act in concert.
Dec. 13, 1994: Hugo Chávez got off a plane in Havana to a warm embrace from Fidel Castro. The rest, as they say, is history. At the time, Chávez was "just" a young Lt-Col fresh off a presidential pardon after a failed military insurrection (Feb 4, 1992) but a lot more was to come pic.twitter.com/ziFGYNiCI5
— Venezuelanalysis (@venanalysis) December 14, 2024
4. Chavez Quickly Sets the Bolivarian Revolution in Motion
Chavez soon began to propel the engine of the new and distinctive Bolivarian Revolution. Below is a summary of some of his actions aimed at advancing and realizing concepts related to the union of Our America. This consistent dynamic holds lessons of great interest.
In April 1999, during a visit to the Dominican Republic, Chavez proposed to Mexico the expansion of the San Jose Energy Pact—signed by Mexico and Venezuela in 1980—to benefit a group of Central American and Caribbean nations. Mexico rejected the proposal because its government at the time did not want to include Cuba.
Chavez then decided that Venezuela would unilaterally establish a new energy agreement with 11 countries in the greater Caribbean, including Cuba. However, he could not implement this plan immediately, as he needed to progress through the first phase of building Bolivarian power.
Following the approval of the Bolivarian Constitution at the end of 1999, general elections were held in July 2000 to re-legitimize all branches of the state. Chavez was re-elected president, and the Bolivarian forces significantly strengthened their control over other branches of government.
Shortly thereafter, he organized the Second OPEC Summit, held in Caracas in September 2000. He emerged as a leader of this strategic alliance, skillfully forging agreements to achieve substantial increases in oil prices. This provided Venezuela with a critical influx of resources to fund internal economic and social programs and to undertake initiatives aimed at making his regional integration and unity ideas viable.
In mid-October 2000, Chavez convened a meeting in Caracas with the presidents of 10 Central American and Caribbean nations, resulting in the signing of a new energy agreement that included significant benefits for these countries.
Additionally, as part of a sequence of strategic steps toward integration and unity, closely coordinated with Fidel, Chavez agreed that Cuba and Venezuela would sign a Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement. He also invited the Cuban leader to make his first official visit to Venezuela, which took place from October 26 to 30, 2000.
It is essential to note a crucial experience during this time. While some progress was made within the framework of this binational agreement—exceptionally well-designed to benefit both countries with unprecedented principles, norms, and ethical values in the region—very few objectives were achieved in the first two years. The reason: Chavez had to confront and defeat the onslaught of imperial and counter-revolutionary forces during 2001 and 2002.
Despite these adverse circumstances, in December 2001, during the Third Summit of the Association of Caribbean States held in Venezuela, Chavez announced his idea for ALBA (the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas) as a counterproposal to the FTAA. However, he could not advance this initiative at that time.
November 25, 2020 – A day of immense loss as we say goodbye to the legendary Diego Armando Maradona. A football icon who conquered the world in 1986, he also championed leftist ideals and shared close bonds with Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez. #Maradona #Football #Legend #CPIM pic.twitter.com/xWEo5ktliY
— CPI(M) Puducherry ☭ (@pycpim) November 25, 2024
5. Chavez’s Counteroffensive
In February 2003, Chavez went on the offensive after the revolution defeated its enemies, strengthened the civic-military alliance, gained control of the state oil company PDVSA, and consolidated control over the other branches of government. He quickly decided to implement actions that would immediately benefit the populace, especially as the failed coup in April and the oil strike of 2002 had severely impacted the economy and the impoverished population.
Under these tense conditions, and with his opponents preparing to trigger a recall referendum, Chavez asked Fidel in February 2003 for Cuban support in developing broad-reaching social and economic programs.
This led to the launch of social missions in 2003, which began transforming the living conditions of Venezuela’s impoverished population within just 18 months. At the same time, the Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement with Cuba, signed on October 30, 2000, took off, delivering unprecedented mutual benefits to the two nations of Our America.
It is vital to highlight the link between the progress in Venezuelan-Cuban cooperation, integration, and unity, and the internal and external struggles Chavez had to confront during those years. Venezuela received various forms of solidarity from Cuba, guided by Fidel’s attention and pivotal contributions, fostering a productive bond with his closest ally.
As a historical experience, it is evident that there is a correlation between the vitality of domestic economic and political power and the success of binational or multinational cooperation and integration processes. A key factor in achieving these strengths is mutual solidarity and the alignment of positions in all areas, as demonstrated by Cuba and Venezuela.
Fidel and Chavez were supreme architects of this dialectic. Revisiting and understanding this fruitful legacy in all its dimensions and moments is indispensable for drawing lessons and applying them wisely in light of the new complexities and challenges that will not dissipate anytime soon.
🫂🌎🤝On December 14, 2004, Havana served as the cradle for commanders Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro to sign the Joint Declaration for the creation of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA) and its implementation agreement. #ALBATCP pic.twitter.com/yUDAKdysOY
— Granma (English) (@Granma_English) December 14, 2024
6. ALBA takes shape at the End of 2004
In late November 2004, Fidel proposed to his friend Hugo Chávez that he visit Cuba on December 13, as he had done ten years earlier. This time, the purpose was to sign the foundational agreements for ALBA, the Bolivarian leader’s original idea.
The chosen date was symbolic. In truth, ALBA was conceived during Chávez’s first visit to Cuba in December 1994. ALBA was not born in a single moment. It emerged from countless instances of love, solidarity, and shared achievements that united our peoples as never before, inspired by Bolívar and Martí, and led by their most distinguished disciples.
From this multifaceted process, spanning over five years, ALBA was born. The formal baptism of this initiative took place on December 14, 2004, but by then, it was already thriving and robust.
That night, when Fidel and Chávez signed the Joint Declaration, the validity of the concepts, values, and goals outlined in the document had already been proven through the substantive actions of both nations and their governments. These principles had, in fact, guided their endeavors all along. The declaration reaffirmed Martí’s words in Caracas in 1881: “To act is the best way to speak.”
In his speech that joyous and illuminating night of December 14, 2004, after recalling Chávez’s first visit to Cuba, Fidel looked into his eyes—this time with a sense of peace and happiness—and said: “You came back, and you came back as a giant (…)” He then added with evident emotion: “(…) What moves us most is that you returned, as you promised, to share your Bolivarian and Martían struggles with us.”
Those words said it all. Yet both leaders knew that, at that moment, they were merely baptizing a vibrant creation that still had much to accomplish. It was perhaps the most promising moment for Nuestra América since the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959.
Although this is not a political statement, I ask permission to express a sentiment we share: Long live Fidel and Chavez, forever united since that unforgettable night in 1994!
