
Mijal Gur-Aryeh, Israelâs ambassador in Costa Rica, told La Prensa that âNicaragua had been converted into a platform for terrorism in the region.â Photo: laprensani.com.
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Mijal Gur-Aryeh, Israelâs ambassador in Costa Rica, told La Prensa that âNicaragua had been converted into a platform for terrorism in the region.â Photo: laprensani.com.
By John Perry – Nov 7, 2024Â
Governments in Latin America have been at the forefront of opposition to Israelâs genocide in Gaza, and several of those which have done so suddenly face new threats, even including attempted coups. Adrienne Pine, a professor at the California Institute of Integral Studies, said during a recent webinar hosted by the Nicaragua Solidarity Coalition that âAnybody who stands with Palestine is going to be attacked in Latin America by the US and by Zionists.â
Recent events appear to show the truth of her remarks.
Of the 165 countries that recognise Israel, only four have officially cut diplomatic ties with the country since it began its Gaza offensive, and all of them are Latin American: Bolivia, Belize, Colombia and Nicaragua (Venezuela severed its ties with Israel in 2009 while Cuba broke off relations during the Yom Kippur War of 1973). A further eight countries have withdrawn their diplomats from Tel Aviv since October 7, 2023, of which Chile, Brazil and Honduras are from Latin America.
This article looks at the experience of three governments in the region which have strongly opposed Israelâs genocidal warâNicaragua, Honduras, and Colombia. All are suffering attacks that appear to be either in direct retaliation for their actions or which suspiciously coincide with them. All three have progressive governments which have historic reasons for challenging Israel, adding to their condemnation of its recent actions.
Israelâs ties with Latin America are longstanding. As well as extensive trading relationships, Israel has often backed repressive regimes or undermined progressive governments. In âIsraelâs Latin American trail of terrorâ Aljazeera summarises its grizzly history in the region, from training death squads in El Salvador to supplying the arms used to massacre Guatemalan campesinos.
Israel has often acted as a surrogate for Washington when the US doesnât want to âget its hands dirtyâ. In Nicaragua, it supplied arms to the âContraâ forces that attempted to overthrow the Sandinista revolution in the 1980s [having previously supplied arms to the Somoza dictatorship]. In Honduras, it helped prevent President Mel Zelaya from returning to power after he was ousted in the 2009 coup. When the country then became a ânarcostateâ, its President Juan Orlando HernĂĄndez (now serving a lengthy prison term in the US for drug-trafficking), became Israelâs closest ally in the region. In Colombia, it sold massive quantities of arms to paramilitary groups which destabilized the country during decades of widespread violence.
Nicaragua is a âplatform for terrorismâ
Israelâs history means it is well placed to retaliate when Latin American governments attack it as genocidal. The example of Nicaragua is the clearest. The country was the first to join the action taken by South Africa in bringing Israel before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at the beginning of this year. It followed this by taking its own ICJ case against Germany, for supplying arms to Israel. The ICJâs provisional ruling had the initial effect of reducing the flow of German weapons until Israel later signed a âcommitmentâ that they would not be used in violation of the genocide convention. Most recently, on October 11, President Daniel Ortega announced the breaking of diplomatic relations with Israel, calling Prime Minister Netanyahu a âson of the devilâ and comparing him to Hitler.
The attempted retribution was swift. Four days after Ortegaâs speech, the Israeli consul in neighboring Costa Rica, Amir Rockman, gave an interview in which he claimed that âIranian interests and, in particular, those of the terrorist organization Hezbollah, are installed in Nicaragua.â
He further claimed that âradical Iranian forces and terror groups operate freelyâ in Nicaragua, although he was not asked for, nor did he provide, any evidence.
Given that some 3,000 kilometers separate Nicaragua from the US border, the usefulness to a âterror groupâ of being able to operate in a small Central American country is far from clear.
Right-wing outlets opposed to the Sandinista government gleefully elaborated on what Rockman said. Mijal Gur-Aryeh, Israelâs ambassador in Costa Rica, told La Prensa that âNicaragua had been converted into a platform for terrorism in the region.â A few days later she added that Hezbollah had âbasesâ in Venezuela and Bolivia as well as Nicaragua.
This enabled one of the best-known opponents of Nicaraguaâs Sandinista government, Felix Maradiaga, to call for the Sandinista party to be declared a terrorist organization. âIn the short term, this could aggravate the delicate economic situation in Nicaragua,â he said. âBut I firmly believe that any temporary sacrifice will be smaller than the bigger benefit of weakening a regime which has used the country as a platform for extreme and illegal activities.â
Nicaragua Sandinista government rejected Israelâs allegations on October 21. While there is, as of yet, no evidence that Israelâs claims have resonance in Washington, if Nicaragua were to be designated a âstate sponsor of terrorismâ (SSOT) the effects could be very serious.
It could potentially do even more harm to its economy than the current raft of US sanctions, affecting its rapidly growing tourism industry and perhaps much more. A warning is provided by the severe damage done to Cubaâs economy after it was added to the SSOT list, which added to the already considerable damage caused by the longstanding US blockade.
An SSOT designation also gives license to U.S. and other Western law enforcement agencies to persecute those working in solidarity with a listed country, as has already happened to those supporting Palestine (with solidarity groups often falsely accused of supporting Hamas).Nicaragua survived an attempted coup in 2018, and Ortega has made no suggestion that a second coup is on the cards. However, both Honduras and Colombia have made such recent claims. We consider Honduras next.
A new âcoup attemptâ in Honduras?
Adrienne Pineâs comments about attacks on countries supporting Palestine followed on from her description of Israelâs role in supporting the neoliberal regime that ran Honduras from 2009 until the Libre party finally ousted it in the 2021 election.
This included spending $342 million on importing Israeli military equipment. In a reversal of her predecessorâs policy, progressive President Xiomara Castro has expressed strong support for Palestine. She has recalled her ambassador from Israel and in September, at the meeting of the UN General Assembly, condemned the genocide in Gaza. In what was seen by Washington as a further provocation, Honduras was one of the first countries in Latin America to recognize Nicolas Maduroâs victory in Venezuelaâs July 28 election.
Following both these moves, Castro has come under intense pressure on different fronts which, she says, amounts to an attempted coup. In response, she has ended the extradition treaty between her country and the United States (the same treaty that allowed her predecessor, Hernåndez, to be sent for trial in New York). Castro herself has direct experience of a coup, since it was her husband, Mel Zelaya, who was deposed as president in 2009 by the U.S.-backed military and forced out of the country. It is hardly surprising that she is alert to the possibility of a second one.
Who orchestrated the coup attempt? Suspicion falls on Washingtonâs ambassador in Tegucigalpa, Laura Dogu, who has a track record in this respect. She was the ambassador in Nicaragua prior to the 2018 coup attempt, and since coming to Honduras in 2022, has made strong links with capitalist-class opponents of the Libre party, just as she did in Managua with business leaders hostile to the Sandinista revolution.
As Pine explained in the webinar, Dogu tried to paint Hondurasâs links with Venezuela as related to drug trafficking, and a few days later fuel was added to this fire by the publication of a video showing a drug baron in discussion with Castroâs brother-in-law, allegedly about providing election campaign funding. The video was released by Insight Crime, a thinktank funded by USAID, the Open Society Foundation and similar bodies allied with Washington.
While Xiomara Castroâs victory in the 2021 election was decisive, and she still enjoys strong working-class support, there are abundant risks to her presidency. She faces a tumultuous congress, her vice-president resigned and is now her opponent, and both the military and the police forces are still contaminated by the corruption and impunity they enjoyed under previous neoliberal governments.
Murders of community leaders who stand in the way of big business continue. The most recent was Septemberâs killing of esteemed community leader Juan LĂłpez. As James Phillips writes in Covert Action, the crime âhighlights the inability [weakness] of the Castro government in the face of the powerful corruption that still poisons much of the political economy and daily life of the country.â Castro specifically mentioned the case and her determination to solve it in her speech to the UN.
Castro has not yet been able to break the strong links between the Honduran military and Israel (much less its links with the U.S.). Indeed, it was revealed in April that Honduras was still buying Israeli military equipment of the kind used in Gaza, and that Honduran police officers have been receiving training in Israel. The news came from the Israeli ambassador, presumably intended to embarrass Castro.
Media Investigation Reveals US Financed Colombia’s Pegasus Purchase From ‘Israel’
Colombia: âThe coup has begunâ
Colombiaâs President Gustavo Petro is probably Israelâs strongest critic in Latin America. He not only denounces the Israeli regime as âgenocidal,â but has described its actions in Gaza as comparable to Auschwitz. He broke diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv in May this year, provoking an immediate call from Washington urging him to change his mind, accompanied by warnings that this put at risk Colombiaâs development and security.
Colombiaâs ambassador to the U.S. recently spoke to Jacobin about the significance of his countryâs severance of ties with Israel. He noted that previous governments would have made sure to ââŚbrief the United States before it made any public announcement on any policy issue. But this time, when we severed ties with Israel, we didnât tell the US.â
Yet Petroâs increasingly strident denunciations of Israel, including (in September) likening its military offensive in Gaza to âthe horrors of the Holocaust,â and then saying that Netanyahu and his government âembody Nazism,â brought a major backlash. Washington responded by saying that âWe cannot accept this. We cannot tolerate thisâ and the U.S. ambassador in Bogota labelled Petro as anti-Semitic. Nevertheless, like Xiomara Castro, Petro doubled down on his denunciations of Israel when he spoke at the UN General Assembly, saying âWhen Gaza dies, all of humanity will die.â
Like Honduras, Colombia had close ties with Israel under its previous governments. Petroâs predecessor, Ivan Duque, signed a free trade agreement with Israel in 2020. Colombiaâs trade with Israel became second only to Brazilâs in the continent, with the principal export being coal. Petro halted coal exports in August this year, noting that the fuel was being used to make bombs to kill Palestinian children.
On October 1, Venezuelaâs Nicolas Maduro warned of a planned coup in Colombia, accusing its former president Ivan Duque of working with Washington to carry it out. Then on October 9, President Petro claimed that âthe coup had begunâ, citing the attempt by the National Electoral Council to bring his presidency to an end via an investigation into alleged illegalities in his election campaign finances, allegations which he strongly contests.
It then emerged that, not long before the last election, Ivan Duque purchased Israeli âPegasusâ software and used it to spy on political opponents. While this leak (like the similar one in Honduras) may have been intended to remind Petro of his militaryâs continuing connections with Israel, it appears to have backfired. Petro has accused Duque of using state money illegally and of money laundering, citing as evidence that half of the $11 billion dollar payment was unaccountably sent to Israel by plane, in cash. Nevertheless, the news strengthened the impression that Petro, like previous presidents, is surrounded by corruption.
This is one of several similarities between Petroâs situation and that of Xiomara Castro in Honduras. First, there are questionable attempts to link Petro with drug cartels via accusations against his relatives.
Second, like his Honduran counterpart, he faces constant right-wing resistance to his attempts at radical transformation of his country, up to and including âlawfareâ against his presidency itself.
And in a third similarity, the weakness of Colombiaâs justice system in tackling corruption was illustrated by the fact that a case against Chiquita Brands International for financing paramilitaries could only be brought to its recent conclusion in a U.S. court, just as happened in Honduras in the case against former president HernĂĄndez. Of course, the two countries also share a long history of close ties between their security systems and the U.S. military, including the hosting of large U.S. military bases.
Why are so few countries willing to challenge Israel?
If Latin America is in the vanguard of resistance to Israeli genocide, it is nevertheless geographically remote from West Asia and its resistance is largely symbolic and far from being of decisive significance.
Reflecting on this in Naked Capitalism, Nick Corbishley asks, âwhy are so few countries willing to take meaningful diplomatic or economic actions, including imposing targeted sanctions, against a rogue state that has not only slaughtered tens of thousands of Gazan civilians but is hell-bent on creating a regional conflagration in the Middle East?â
In response, he suggests four explanations:-Fear of U.S.-led retaliationâsuch as South Africa has faced since its action against Israel at the ICJ.
-Fear of economic reprisalsâsuch as the threats made against Ireland, that it would lose the high-tech industries that underpin much of its economy because of its criticisms of Israel.
-The risk of Israel suspending sales and support services for its high-tech weaponryâwhich happened to Colombia as soon as it ended coal exports.
-The threat of Israeli retaliation against ministers or even leaders of governments who fall out of line on Gaza and other issuesâas happened in all three countries examined here, with possible further threats arising from the widespread availability of Israeli Pegasus software and its potential for revealing embarrassing information about Israelâs opponents.
Israel is a formidable foe, and not only on the battlefield. The Guardianrevealed Israelâs nine-year surveillance and intimidation of no less a body than the International Criminal Court. At the moment, hard evidence of Israeli attempts to undermine progressive Latin American governments is limited, but the potential is obvious. It is likely to be most effective against governmentâs whose political position is precarious.
Gustavo Petro perfectly understands the reasons why so few countries have stood firmly against Israelâs genocide. In a discussion with other progressive Latin American leaders, he said that the Western powers are giving a warning to the rest of humanity: âWhat happens to Palestine will happen to any of you, if you dare make changes without our permission.â
(John Perry is based in Masaya, Nicaragua, and writes for the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, London Review of Books, FAIR, Covert Action Magazine and others. This article was originally published in Covert Action Magazine on Nov. 1, 2024.)Â
John Perry is a writer based in Masaya, Nicaragua whose work has appeared in the Nation, the London Review of Books, and many other publications.