Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro speaking while holding a “Plan de la Patria (7T)” booklet, during its presentation on March 20, 2023. Photo: X/@PresidencialVen/file photo.
By Nino Pagliccia – Jul 12, 2024
While the US bets on a losing candidate to be able to claim Venezuelan elections illegitimate,
Venezuelans, on the contrary, seem to be more optimistic looking forward to fair elections on July 28, with ten candidates to choose from, an electoral process that has been tested and is functioning well, with great expectations of a good turn out, and over 635 confirmations of international observers interested in witnessing the presidential electoral process.
At the start of the electoral campaign on July 4, Nicolas Maduro, who seeks re-election, seems to be the favorite candidate. If that is so, it may be a sign that Venezuelans are noticing the improvements in the economy despite the illegal US economic blockade that is costing Venezuela almost one trillion dollars.
It is also the case that Nicolas Maduro is the only candidate that has made public a formal platform for the next six years. We can safely assume that most Venezuelans are aware of it because it has been widely promoted and also because it was the product of 63 thousand popular debates across Venezuela with broad participation.
It is therefore important to see what Maduro proposes in his next government.
In a national poll conducted in Venezuela last June 30 about the upcoming presidential elections on July 28 the Venezuelan polling firm Hinterlaces reported that 54.2% of randomly sampled individuals expressed their intention to vote for Nicolas Maduro. The second highest candidate of choice was Edmundo Gonzalez with 21.1% (margin of error +/-3%).
To fully understand the meaning of those percentages it is necessary to seek an explanation of the reason for the choice made by respondents. The Hinterlaces poll of last June may help understand the reason, which gives more confidence to the choice itself.
The Hinterlaces poll also asked another question whether “Chavismo” or the “opposition” would be perceived as the winner in the elections. This is somewhat a deeper question compared to the intention to vote for a certain candidate. In the Venezuelan polarized political context Chavismo is a recognisable ideology that is contested by a broad opposition that does not support Chavismo.
In the poll “Chavismo” was chosen by 56.7%, and “opposition” was chosen by 23.2% of people in the sample. It is not possible to establish a direct correlation but these percentages are of the same order of magnitude than those of the intention to vote, also considering that in Venezuela (and internationally) “opposition” is almost exclusively associated with Edmundo Gonzalez and his campaign.
Without giving a full definition of Chavismo suffice to say that it is the political ideology associated with former president of Venezuela Hugo Chavez (1999-2013) which is mainly characterized by democracy, anti-imperialism, sovereignty and independence, historical Bolivarian roots, and a strong people-government-military union.
Most Venezuelans see Nicolas Maduro today as the flag bearer of Chavismo in his political policies. The cover of the government’s current program Homeland Plan for 2019-2025 (Plan de la Patria 2019-2025) portrays images of both Chavez and Maduro. Therefore, most Venezuelans have lived with Chavismo for the last 25 years and are familiar with it experientially as well as through the government social programs to fight back the US unilateral coercive measures.
The current Venezuelan government political program for the period 2025-2031 was formally presented by Nicolas Maduro in March 2024 to the president of the National Electoral Council of Venezuela (CNE) as a statement of his political platform if he is re-elected in July. The document bears the title “Plan de la Patria de las Siete Transformaciones 2025-2031” (Homeland Plan of the Seven Transformations 2025-2031).
The first general point to make about Maduro’s Plan de la Patria is that it’s the only government program proposed by any of the candidates. The second may be the fact that it was produced as a result of the active participation of 63 thousand citizens assemblies in a process of consultation, debate and action (Consulta, Debate y Acción).
As the title of the Plan states the document proposes seven fundamental transformations during the next presidential period that promises to chart the course to the Venezuela of prosperity, equality and well-being.
We will briefly highlight the seven transformations some of which are not new and are just reaffirmation and improvements of initiatives already in progress.
1 – A new economy to fight the economic and financial blockade.
Perhaps this is the most challenging transformation. It is proposed not only to export oil and gas, but also to develop the derivatives industry to generate greater added value, diversify the economy and overcome the oil rent structure. The creation of a state financing fund is also proposed with the objective of supporting those who wish to venture into new businesses with a favorable environment for entrepreneurs and small and medium-sized businesses.
Continuation of the defense of the bolivar as the national currency, the need to preserve economic sovereignty through inflation control (already happening) and maintain the stability of the currency. The simplification of procedures and the reduction of bureaucracy are also promoted to facilitate economic activity, as well as the possibility of private participation in public companies.
On the other hand, the importance of strengthening social programs and consolidating the recovery of the minimum income is highlighted, for which a National Observatory of Social Rights will be created to guarantee the social well-being of the population. A progressive tax reform is also proposed that increases the tax burden on the highest-income sectors, which seeks greater equity in the distribution of wealth.
2 – Full independence in all areas.
In reality this has been an indispensable transformation for Venezuela that was initiated by president Hugo Chavez in 1999. But as long as the US unilateral coercive measures, political threats and interference continue, the preservation of economic and political independence is a necessary continued transformation in the Venezuelan political program.
The strengthening of full independence in the next phase is based on three pillars: the strengthening of national identity, the commitment to technology and the development of a centralized digital government.
The first two pillars, national identity and technology, are reinforced by education and innovation. The proposed centralized digital government will simplify and digitize bureaucratic procedures through a centralized “Single Procedure System” with interoperability. The creation of a “National Strategy for the Digital Transformation of the State” is proposed for a more efficient and transparent interaction between the State and citizens, as well as the creation of a digital ID card that centralizes identity, transit, health and social security data.
3 – Peace, sovereignty and security.
These are related themes in Venezuelan society that are considered to be vulnerable due to the US interference and its influence on disloyal domestic groups. Work on this has been going on virtually since the beginning of the Bolivarian Revolution.
The proposal with respect to this area involves strengthening the defense of the national territory, with emphasis on the need to consolidate border control and reaffirm the commitment to reclaim Guayana Esequiba, which is an integral part of Venezuelan sovereignty. It is also proposed to strengthen the civil-military-police union by reinforcing the Bolivarian Military Doctrine at all levels.
Regarding citizen security, specific measures are proposed such as the implementation of preventive policies, the creation of community networks and the consolidation of the Peace Quadrants. These actions seek to involve the community in the fight against crime and address the social causes of insecurity.
The Peace Quadrants, created in December 2019, are geographical areas that cover between 2 and 5 square kilometers, delimited by sectors in the areas of Venezuelan territory where crime occurs most frequently.
Related to security the modernization of the justice system is proposed with the creation of spaces such as the Houses of Justice and Peace, which allow the articulation of the justice system at a local level and bring justice closer to the communities where the population can attend to seek a solution to their problems, with the help of a mediator.
4 – Social transformation.
This point is based on the strengthening of existing social programs and the promotion of national production. In this sense, it seeks to direct transfers from the Patria System towards the most vulnerable sectors of the population, and thus provide them with economic and social support. In addition, it is proposed to strengthen the missions and large missions that have seen their effectiveness reduced due to the US unilateral coercive measures, with the aim of resuming the successful social policy of the Venezuelan government implemented in previous times. For example, the Local Committees for Supply and Production (CLAP) boxes will continue for vulnerable groups with 100% national products aiming to substitute imports.
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5 – Political transformation.
The approach to political transformation focuses on the consolidation of “popular power” as the basis of the political system, while seeking to continue promoting spaces for national unity agreements that guarantee governability in the country.
This is part of the initiative to promote a “Great National Agreement for Peace 2030”, with the aim of promoting the renunciation of violence by all political actors and the commitment to peace and respect for electoral processes. A recent example of this has been the call by president Maduro to all candidates to the presidential elections of July 28 to sign an agreement to recognise and accept the electoral results. Two candidates rejected the invitation and did not sign, including Edmundo Gonzalez.
With this proposed transformation emphasis is also placed on the consolidation of popular power and the commune is reaffirmed as a strategic project, which must be promoted with greater adhesion and activation.
In addition, the creation of a code of ethics for political leaders at all levels is proposed in order to combat corruption.
6 – Ecological transformation.
With the aim of addressing the climate emergency and promoting sustainable practices, it is proposed to develop a prevention policy against the climate emergency, with compensatory funds to address natural disasters, in addition to reducing indiscriminate burning and pollution in green areas, as well as promoting agro-ecological practices and the substitution of agrochemicals.
The importance of ensuring the right to a green city is highlighted through the preservation of natural areas and urban planning that insists on sustainability and improves the quality of life of citizens.
7 – Geopolitical transformation.
This last proposal for transformation lays out Venezuelan foreign policy, which perhaps sets Maduro quite separate from the other presidential candidates, certainly one like Edmundo Gonzalez. This transformation focuses on three key points: regional integration and South-South cooperation, challenge to US hegemony, and peace diplomacy as well as international projection.
Regarding regional integration and South-South cooperation, the aim is to strengthen integration mechanisms such as ALBA, Unasur, Celac, Mercosur and Petrocaribe. This implies resuming the “march for Latin American union” and promoting scientific and technological cooperation with the BRICS structure. In addition, it seeks to develop methods of alternative payment with emerging countries to reduce dependence on the financial system dominated by the United States.
In relation to the challenge to US hegemony, the Maduro government seeks to consolidate Venezuela as a “nation friendly to the peoples”, and align itself with countries that oppose the established world order, such as those in the BRICS group. For this, it is proposed to develop a new financial architecture that allows fighting back “imperial hegemony” and creating an alternative logistical and commercial system to face the international unilateral coercive measures imposed by the United States and its allies.
Concluding remarks
Democracy is the expression of a choice on condition that we have full information on the candidates’ intentions and policies. Presidential candidates are expected to provide truthful information about their intentions and programs that they plan to develop as rulers in order that they may receive the vote of support. Voters in turn will cast their vote based on the candidates’ perceived track record, their political and social proposals and their stated ideology. Based on those factors voters will decide what is good for them, their families and their country, and vote accordingly. At least that is what we hope.
Of the ten candidates in the July 28 elections in Venezuela, some have a clear commitment to the democratic process, which is to be praised, but there is at least one candidate whose team disrupts all set agreements and has a track record that includes violence, a disregard for vulnerable compatriots and a total disloyalty to the country.
Only one candidate has a clear track record, a political program – The Homeland Plan – and an ideology to match the program: Nicolas Maduro.
The Homeland Plan of the Seven Transformations, written by the people, promises progress in the comprehensive development of the nation under adverse economic conditions imposed by an enemy state and its allies like Canada.
On repeated occasions, president Nicolas Maduro has confirmed that the proposed seven transformations will facilitate the consolidation of the social model of inclusion, participatory and leading democracy, justice and development, promoted by the leader of the Bolivarian Revolution, Hugo Chávez Frías, 25 years ago.
Venezuelans may well be paying attention at the time of voting as their polled intentions reported by Hinterlaces suggests.
Editorial note: Earlier reference to the Plan de la Patria indicated 2025-2031. The title in the official final document states 2025-2030.
NP/OT
Nino Pagliccia
Nino Pagliccia is a Venezuelan-Canadian statistician who writes about international relations with a focus on the Americas. Nino Pagliccia has managed collaborative projects with Cuban partners in the University of British Columbia’s Global Health Research Program. He is the editor of "Cuba Solidarity in Canada—Five Decades of People-to-People Foreign Relations" (2014). He has been the vice-president of the Canadian-Cuban Friendship Association in Vancouver and founding co-chair of the Canadian Network on Cuba. He has led groups doing volunteer work in Cuba for over 12 years.
