Venezuela: How the Atmosphere is Created for a New Round of Destabilization


By Mision Verdad – Caracas, November 15th

Taking advantage of the momentum created by the violent regime change in Bolivia, the operators of the continued coup in Venezuela have been configuring a strategy, throughout this week, to force a new cycle of violence in the face of protests called for this November 16.


After the coup against Evo Morales was completed on November 10, after his forced resignation from the presidency, the subsequent event that had the greatest media and political impact was the assault on the Venezuelan embassy in the Andean country.
The persecution and the siege was such that it caused officials to leave the embassy building to protect their lives, since, according to diplomatic representative Cris González through several audios via WhatsApp, rightwingers armed with dynamite were preparing to execute a slaughter.

Hours later, within the framework of the BRICS Summit in Brazil, a very similar violent event would occur, putting the integrity of the Venezuelan diplomatic headquarters at risk as well as the Venezuelan personnel that perform diplomatic duties in the South American country.

In this case, the violent group that figured in the siege was repelled by Brazilian popular organizations, but not before generating the media shock that would serve to embolden the mood of the coup plotters in Venezuela, in need of events with these characteristics in order to encourage their followers.
Both sieges placed Venezuela at the center of the information agenda (inside Venezuela), transferring all the narrative and political weight of the coup in Bolivia as a previous and “inspiring” chapter of what would happen in Venezuela with the call for violent protests on November 16.
These events constituted a phase of media and international conditioning with the aspiration to create a catalytic effect on the call of the Venezuelan opposition. Thus, the so-called “Bolivian spring” was quickly exploited to seek to instigate a new cycle of violence by reviving the narratives of the coup plotters.
The coup in Bolivia defined the call and defined the objectives of November 16, while in parallel a persecution against Venezuelans was deployed for allegedly being involved in the resistance to the coup.

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But this softening up process would have a crucial cash cut.
A statement from the Trump Administration called the coup in Bolivia an event of hemispheric importance, since it indicated that it was a sign of threat to the governments of Venezuela and Nicaragua.

That forced redirection of the coup confirms Washington’s involvement in new acts of violence that are most likely preparing for a new round of destabilization in Venezuela. Consequently, Guaidó’s “recognition” of the illegal internship of Jeanine Áñez is the responsibility of direct advice from the White House.


Since October 22, the Venezuelan Federation of Teachers (FEV), one of the most experienced trade unions in the country and currently articulated to anti-Chavismo, confirmed a first call for a national strike of 48 hours to demand an increase in salaries and other demands.
This first call did not interrupt the normality of the education system as expected, which caused the FEV leadership to redouble its bets days later.
On November 11, appealing in a tone of ultimatum, the FEV called for a 72-hour general teacher strike , becoming a showcase and epicenter of the call for November 16.
The guild’s conjunctural claim was quickly incorporated as part of the narrative of the regime change by the self-proclaimed Juan Guaidó, who in his social networks and public presentations became a spokesman for the teaching institution, informing about the progress of the summoned strike.

But in a synchronized way other fronts would open, in a planned domino effect. On November 14, when the teaching strike did not achieve its objectives (but those of Guaidó for the purpose of nourishing his call), the nursing guild would call a national strike of 48 hours, expanding the representativeness in the perimeter of actors incorporated to November 16.

Also, the journalists’ union affiliated with anti-Chavismo factors announced that it would participate in the mobilization, confirming the union and protest logic under which the scenario of protests and confrontation is articulated.
However, this repeats a well-known pattern after two failed color revolutions (2014 and 2017): the creation of a climate of convergence of general claims that overlap the demand for regime change.
And it is that the unionization has been the only card that has been left to play, given that the institutional and insurrectional claims of the continued coup (call for military to strike, call for presidential elections, etc.) have been encapsulated on a base of support increasingly reduced and annoyed with Guaidó.
Therefore, they have put together a protest device that impacts beyond their ranks, using the economic and social wear and tear of US sanctions as a springboard. They bet on esprit d’corps of pre-established structures in the absence of critical mass capable of responding to the call.

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Guaidó has already indicated that the taking of streets for this November 16 will be of “no return”, confirming that the violent acts will have a central place as in other opportunities.
On November 14, Juan Guaidó participated in a Student Assembly of the Central University of Venezuela (UCV), accompanied by the anti-Chavista student leadership. This happened hours before a small group of students confronted the police in an attempt to overcome a police bartier that sought to maintain normal traffic on the highway next to the university.
Student spokespersons indicated that they “demanded university autonomy,” highlighting the unionist tone of their participation in the protests of November 16. But that this happened following the participation of Guaidó in the event at UCV, it’s most likely related to the delivery of equipment and financing for the protests of November 16.


As part of the marketing plan for November 16, Juan Guaidó made an appearance in the Caracas Metro to take a “shower of the people” and show himself as a popular man and loved by the Caracas population in the face of public opinion.
But the idea went wrong. Guaidó was questioned by Metro users, being forced to flee without appearing from the underground transport system given the climate of hostility that began to be felt against his appearamce.
A fact that, better than any other, contrasts with his public (media) positioning as a figure that enjoys the majority support of the Venezuelan population.

Juan Guiadó has articulated this scenario of protests under a central slogan : “If we will not have Christmas, neither will they”, referring to Chavismo.
The idea of damaging the Christmas of the population, in a year that has been marked by wear and tear is counterproductive. Transforming into conscious weapon the conscious damage to a common tradition of the Venezuelan, not only exposes the deficit of ideas that are at the forefront of the coup, but the totally denationalized behavior of the ruling class.


As we well know, the factor of the police riots and the subsequent support of the armed forces for the coup plotters represented the turning point of the regime change in Bolivia.
This influence seeks to be replicated and there are practical demonstrations of it, beyond which anti-Chavismo has permanently called, together with the US government, for military sedition to turn on the government of Nicolás Maduro. The failed coup of April 30 confirmed this.
On November 12, a video was repeated where two Venezuelan police officials (from Colombia) demanded the “cessation of usurpation” (the overthrow of Maduro).

It turns out that not only was the vide recorded earlier than this date, but the officials who declared defected last February.
Seen this way, it is evident that the main purpose is to try to sell the idea that it is an “organic” protest movement, so this is about two defectors who put on their former uniform for a video selfie, and then had to don their civilian dress and perhaps find themselves only migrants.
But this propaganda maneuver is clear enough to delineate what is ideally one of the lines of action on the scenario for November 16: force the sedition of police and military units, in the Bolivian style, to integrate armed components into an also ideal scenario of insurrectional protests.
Replicating the Bolivia model, which so much and in such a short time has “influenced” the local coup plotters, would theoretically seek to suppress the capacities of defense of public order, favor impunity of the shock groups, open the way to the siege of institutions and personalities of Chavismo and form an illegal armed wing that leads the violent stage for regime change, as they succeeded, on that successful occasion, on April 11, 2002.
A calculation that is still to be tested, but that in light of the military uprising trial in Cotiza at the beginning of the year , the emergence of a paramilitary figure like Óscar Pérez in 2018 or the chain of events that led to the failed April 30 , it remains an element to be alert to.
But the confirmation that the military (and police) factor will be at the center of a very likely scenario of street violence comes from the United States. It could not be otherwise.
The Southern Command of the United States indicated hours before November 16: “We call on the Venezuelan military to comply with the provisions of its constitution and protect the basic rights of its citizens. We urge that the Venezuelan military respect the right of its citizens to protest peacefully as they make themselves heard this weekend. The Southern Command is closely monitoring the situation in Venezuela.”

Following this same pattern, James Story, in charge of the Venezuela Affairs Unit (VAU), located at the US embassy in Bogotá, said: “Not only does the United States support legitimate mobilizations in Venezuela, all countries must support them because it is a right, even more so given the current circumstances in the country.”

The statements open the way not only to a new cycle of pressure against the Venezuelan military corps, but to possible false flag operations that could be being tested for an artificial uprising of Venezuelan military and police.
These test balloons could serve as a pretext for some triggering event that opens a new round of economic sanctions and threats of military intervention, and, continuing with speculation, depending on their magnitude, making possible the insertion of foreign mercenary components, taking advantage of the level of involvement of, for example, a Colombian paramilitary group, such as Los Rastrojos, at the decisive moments of the “Guaidó Plan”.
President Maduro ordered the deployment of the Bolivarian National Militia to reinforce the work of patrolling and protection of public order. The president asked to reform the law of the FANB to grant constitutional rank to the Militia, since he announced the strengthening of his operational and logistical readiness.
Faced with the intense manifestation of public signs and messages that see an automatic continuity between the Bolivian tragedy and the destiny of Venezuela and Nicaragua, that is the message sent by the Bolivarian government. Outwardly, the content of it is coheres with the type of threat / manifestation of desires, in the country it dissuasively marks the awareness that it has of the moment, between open aspirations and the stumbling eagerness for these desires to be realized on the ground. Dreaming is free, but not financing a new coup plot.
Faced with the attempt to replicate the coup in Bolivia, Chavismo again articulates its defensive capabilities to protect the peace and prevent a new round of destabilization.

Featured image: President Nicolás Maduro ordered the deployment of the Bolivarian National Militia for the protection of peace (Photo: VTV)

Source URL: Mision Verdad

Translated by JRE/EF

Misión Verdad
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Misión Verdad is a Venezuelan investigative journalism website with a socialist perspective in defense of the Bolivarian Revolution

Misión Verdad

Misión Verdad is a Venezuelan investigative journalism website with a socialist perspective in defense of the Bolivarian Revolution