Opposition members met in Panama in May 2026, to plan "pressure" for "accelerating the transition" in Venezuela. Photo: X/@ConVzlaComando.
By Misión Verdad — May 27, 2026
Venezuelan far-right politician María Corina Machado has recently organized a meeting with various representatives of political organizations grouped in the Democratic Unitary Platform (PUD), in an event that political analysts have called the “Panama Pact,” named after the capital of the Central American country where the gathering took place.
According to the organizers, the event aimed to consolidate a joint strategy to move toward a so-called “democratic transition” in Venezuela, marked by the electoral path.
This would be the most important conclave among Venezuelan far-right opposition forces, especially after the situation generated since January 3 of this year, when the government of the US empire carried out a military attack on the country and kidnapped President Nicolás Maduro.
Another coronation for Machado
The event revolved around María Corina Machado, although former presidential candidate Edmundo González Urrutia made a remote appearance which, within the context of the gathering, could be considered secondary or marginal. Instead, the event served to reaffirm Machado’s leadership role among the various organizations present.
Machado claimed that she will eventually be a presidential candidate in the context of “free and fair” elections, which centralizes the development of the opposition’s political agenda in the lead-up to the next election.
The far-right opposition is once again pursuing a strategy based on entrenched positions and avoiding the tactical and strategic flexibility that a complex electoral environment might demand. Thus, these opposition factions are ruling out the possibility of a new candidate, thereby creating cohesion by decree around “the leader.”
This, in effect, is an extension of the results of the PUD primaries held in 2023, when Machado emerged as a so-called candidate despite being barred from running for public office—a ban that remains unchanged three years later. That internal “election” was a failure, as the designated candidate was unable to participate. Instead, it effectively became a tool to solidify Machado’s rise to power over the entire opposition spectrum for an indefinite period.
There are clear lessons to be learned from the new proclamation in Panama. The first is that the opposition seems to have abandoned the strategy it pursued from July 2024 to January 2026, in which they declared Edmundo González the “president-elect.” All narratives, institutional acts, and support from certain governments have been abandoned in favor of placing all their bets on Machado.
A few months ago, former Venezuelan presidential candidate and former head of the National Electoral Council (CNE) Enrique Márquez attended the State of the Union address at the Capitol as a guest of honor of US ruler Donald Trump. His presence was one of the highlights of the evening, as Trump unexpectedly introduced him to Congress as a “symbol of freedom” and of the recent political changes in Venezuela following the kidnapping of President Maduro.
Some have associated Márquez with Trump’s strategy in Venezuela, as he is a far-right leader who defines himself as a moderate, less polarizing than Machado. However, the alliance between the PUD and Vente (Machado’s organization) has thwarted him.
In any case, Machado has preferred to solidify her position even if it comes at a political cost. The meeting in Panama was attended by highly discredited figures from the PUD, such as Antonio Ledezma, Leopoldo López, Juan Pablo Guanipa, Juan Carlos Caldera, Delsa Solórzano, and others.
Inconsistencies between speeches, indications, and events
Opposition groups in Panama have declared a unified strategy to “accelerate the transition” and build an “electoral path.” Their aim is to prevent Chavismo from repositioning itself, adapting, and prevailing through a strategic shift in the current context.
The sessions debated the so-called “Panama Agreement,” a proposal aimed at strengthening political and citizen support for an institutional solution. The document has not yet been released in detail, but according to spokespersons present, the strategy aims to facilitate regime change through institutional means as soon as possible.
Leopoldo López and electoral analyst Eugenio Martínez exchanged messages on social media with completely contradictory versions of what the electoral roadmap would look like, specifically whether presidential or regional elections would be held first. The lack of a formal document to date suggests there is no clear consensus.
In addition, the phased transition plan promoted by the US empire—in direct coordination with the Donald Trump administration and Secretary Marco Rubio—to facilitate so-called “truly free and competitive” presidential elections was evaluated.
But the event in Panama leaves exposed elements that are impossible to elucidate from the statements of those present.
The first is that María Corina Machado has organized an event in Panama, given that, for reasons not specified in detail, she cannot enter Venezuela. Machado announced that her return to the country is being coordinated with international allies and is projected to occur before the end of 2026. However, she has already made similar announcements referring to “days” and “weeks.” Amidst this ambiguity, she has hinted that her return to Venezuela is contingent upon the Trump administration.
In Panama, opposition groups forged a hard-line pact with an individual whose presence in Venezuela is restricted. The significance of this situation is undeniable. Furthermore, there is no certainty as to whether she will be allowed to return, nor whether her political disqualification from holding office will be lifted.
The second element is the very need to hold an event with these characteristics, if one assumes there is “direct coordination with the Trump administration.” In other words, the opposition is trying to “accelerate” the transition process, but, as Machado has pointed out, it is the aforementioned government that controls the process. “Delcy does what Trump orders her to do,” Machado said.
There is no consistency in these elements. They claim the “Panama Pact” is a public commitment made through open pressure on their counterparts, with whom they coordinate, but the stated purpose of the meeting is to prevent Delcy Rodríguez from governing with impunity, even though everything she does is at Trump’s behest. It makes no sense.
The third element is the alleged level of coordination between Machado, the PUD, and the Trump administration. Machado and her associates have stated that she “advises” the Trump administration on its strategy in Venezuela. The PUD is now claiming a level of “coordination” with the White House.
But there are elements that cast doubt on such coordination. Laura Dogu, the first US chargé d’affaires in Venezuela after January 3, met with Roberto Henríquez, a secondary leader of the PUD, and Henrique Capriles and Luis Florido, who belong to another opposition faction. John Barrett, the second US chargé d’affaires, has not held any public meetings with members of the PUD.
Clearly, the relationship between US diplomats and PUD leaders is minimal or practically nonexistent.
Juan Pablo Guanipa recently admitted on his podcast that “a person who comes to represent the US should, from my humble perspective, meet with the Venezuelan opposition. And that didn’t happen,” he said, implying that the coalition he belongs to made arrangements to be received by the US Embassy.
Machado has held more meetings in recent months with politicians close to the Democratic Party than with administration officials. This includes Senator Chris Murphy, one of the president’s most ardent public enemies, and Ian Bremmer of the Eurasia Group, creator of Puppet Regime, a puppet show that mocks the tycoon.
The main challenge to the “Panama Pact” lies in its practical viability, starting with the lack of clarity regarding effective coordination between these opposition groups and Washington.
Nor is there a clear line between the Trump administration’s approach and the extent of the opposition leadership’s pressure to achieve its objectives. In other words, these two issues could clash, and that wouldn’t happen if the coordination that the PUD and Machado claim exists were actually present.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/JRE/AU
Misión Verdad
Misión Verdad is a Venezuelan investigative journalism website with a socialist perspective in defense of the Bolivarian Revolution
