The Wide Universe of Contradictions of Edmundo González

By Misión Verdad – Sept 21, 2024

After claiming that he signed a document under pressure, coercion, and threats, recognizing the Venezuelan Supreme Court ruling affirming the victory of his opponent, re-elected President Nicolás Maduro, Edmundo González’s damage control narrative reveals significant inconsistencies and contradictions.

These inconsistencies only increases the impact of the blows to not only González’s credibility but also the Venezuelan far-right opposition sector that supports him.

The argument of coercion: As weak as a house of cards
The argument of coercion weakens not only due to the documents—audios, videos, and photos—presented by the president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, but also because they clearly demonstrate that the conversations occurred in a respectful and relaxed atmosphere.

In other words, the document was not the product of imposition but of consensus. González explained this explicitly during his interview with Reuters : “The text went back and forth, we made some observations, they returned with others.”

His participation in the opposition march on Tuesday, 30 July, just two days after the elections, along with his relocation from the Dutch embassy to the Spanish embassy, further illustrates that there were no obstacles to his movements; he had the freedom to act and utilized it.

Given the opportunity to report any harassment or threats he was experiencing, and considering he was under the protection of diplomatic missions, he made no statements to indicate such a situation in over 70 posts on his social media accounts from late July to mid-September.

He never spoke of pressure or intimidation. On the contrary, his accounts were used for proselytizing purposes, in contravention of the requirements of the asylum conventions.

Spain: The chosen destination from the beginning
The statement by Caspar Veldkamp, the Dutch foreign minister, revealed that González’s intention to leave the country was unwavering. The head of foreign policy of the Netherlands said, “He indicated that he wanted to leave and continue his fight from Spain.” In this context, his transition from one diplomatic mission to another occurred without any hindrance, free from pressure from either the diplomatic missions or the Venezuelan government.

The former candidate stated in his interview with Reuters that he left Venezuela because “they were after him.” However, if this claim were true, why did he choose to move to the embassy of the Kingdom of Spain despite being advised not to leave the Dutch legation?

“I spoke with him about the situation in Venezuela, the importance of the opposition’s work and the transition to democracy, and stressed our continued hospitality,” Veldkamp said, although González ultimately insisted on leaving that embassy.

The former candidate also defends his decision as the only way to continue his struggle “in freedom” and achieve recognition of his unproven victory at the international level. Even so, he signed without pressure, as has been demonstrated, a document in which he explicitly states: “I have always been and will continue to be willing to recognize and abide by the decisions taken by the judicial bodies within the framework of the Constitution, including the aforementioned ruling by the Electoral Chamber, which, although I do not agree with it, I abide by because it is a ruling by the highest court in the republic.”

Adding later: “I hereby declare my commitment that my public activity outside Venezuela will be limited. I do not intend in any case to exercise any formal or informal representation of the public powers of the Venezuelan state. I will be absolutely respectful of the institutions and interests of Venezuela, and I will always appeal for peace, dialogue and national unity.”

Acting behind María Corina Machado’s back
González claims that María Corina Machado did not know about his plans and that she found out hours before his departure: “She did not know, I told her practically the day I decided to go to the Spanish embassy.”

This revelation is significant, as the campaign aimed to present a united and cohesive duo confronting the elections and the anticipated transition they had been advocating for from the start.

This is an important fact. Machado represents a sector that denies any possibility of dialogue and negotiation with the government of President Maduro.

The private conversations, negotiations, and agreements reached with Vice President Delcy Rodríguez and the President of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, represent a clear betrayal of Machado and a capitulation to the plans she had developed with González regarding her regime change strategy, even as she attempts to downplay this now.

The sudden change to González’s conciliatory speech upon arriving in Spain, in that first public communication and the video published nine days later, also reveal that there was a sudden modification with the position initially expressed in the letter he signed.

Now he does not recognize the constituted powers of the Venezuelan State, and usurps the position of elected president that was not granted to him by the National Electoral Council (CNE).

Could it be that certain opposition sectors, which benefit from the political instability in Venezuela and have previously promoted and profited from the false government of Juan Guaidó, are interested in reviving this failed project, now with González at the forefront? This could explain why they are pressuring him to alter his stance.

A story that is not over yet
The story behind González’s capitulation is far from over, since the president of the AN, Jorge Rodríguez, said that there was a second document and many more details in the recordings, which could further compromise the already battered credibility of the opposition in general, but of the former candidate in particular.

President Maduro Criticizes Edmundo González’s False Claims of Coercion

The misstep in his claims of alleged coercion and threats also adversely affects the government of Pedro Sánchez, which now faces the challenge of addressing the asylum granted to González as a matter of internal politics. This situation could escalate to the level of the European Union, as has already occurred.

The vote in the European Parliament highlighted the polarizing impact of the decision to recognize or not recognize González as the supposed president-elect of Venezuela. This debate arises not from a genuine acknowledgment of the Venezuelan State’s democratic institutions, but from concerns about repeating the mistake of recognizing the false interim government of Guaidó.

The presence of González in Madrid will serve the interests of those sectors represented by Leopoldo López, Julio Borges and Antonio Ledezma, who continue to support regime change, while profiting from the process.

In the end, these contradictions and inconsistencies expose a damage control strategy aimed at concealing his recognition of Maduro’s victory, as well as his negotiations and agreements with the Venezuelan government, which legitimized its institutions while sidelining Machado by acting behind her back. This strategy also appears to be factoring in the upcoming electoral results in the U.S. in November, as the outcome could significantly alter the dynamics surrounding González.

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/MCM