By Misión Verdad – Aug 15, 2024
In the last few days, the pressure of the US government in the Latin American region has gained a remarkable intensity with the aim of manufacturing a “regional consensus” that would let the US adopt a more aggressive and hostile posture towards Venezuela amid the postelectoral controversy that is in the process of being resolved by the Venezuelan Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ).
A key element in this phase of the offensive is the preliminary report by the UN Panel of Electoral Experts, released in violation of the principles stipulated by the organization itself. Although presented as impartial, this report is politically biased and reflects a clear interest in adding a new layer of anti-Venezuela sentiment to the diplomatic sphere.
An overall analysis of recent US government actions shows that diplomatic pressure has been aimed primarily at the Brazil-Colombia-Mexico axis. The US has tried to bring these governments within its grip to weaken their position as mediators and autonomous regional interlocutors.
The recent proposal for a rerun of the Venezuelan presidential elections presented by Brazilian President Lula and his Colombian counterpart Gustavo Petro indicates that the path charted by Washington in recent days is trying to consolidate this objective.
The first phone call: Colombia
Through his X account, Colombian Foreign Minister Luis Gilberto Murillo reported his conversation with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on August 12.
Conversamos con el Secretario de Estado, Antony Blinken (@SecBlinken), con quien resaltamos el buen ambiente que existe en nuestra relación con EEUU y los planes de Colombia para establecer canales de colaboración con el Pueblo y el Gobierno de Haití, así como también seguimos en…
— Luis Gilberto Murillo (@LuisGMurillo) August 13, 2024
The foreign minister stressed that Colombia, together with Brazil and Mexico, is engaged in a joint diplomatic effort that respects Venezuelan sovereignty and promotes noninterference in its internal affairs as well as respect for human rights.
State Department Principal Deputy Spokesman Vedant Patel claimed that Blinken and Murillo addressed the need for the region to act “as one voice” to put even more pressure on Venezuela to “return to a democratic path.”
The second phone call: Brazil
The next day, Blinken spoke with his Brazilian counterpart, Mauro Vieira, and stressed the “importance of Brazil’s participation in regional forums, including the OAS, to discuss the Venezuelan situation after the elections,” according to Vedant Patel.
This conversation coincided with statements by Lula’s senior foreign policy advisor, Celso Amorim, who advised President Lula to propose holding new elections as a way to resolve the Venezuelan issue. Amorim told the Brazilian newspaper Valor Económico that it was an informal suggestion on what was, at the time, an “embryonic idea” that had not been discussed with Colombia and Mexico.
PSUV Leader Diosdado Cabello: There Will Be No ‘Second Round’ Election in Venezuela
The third phone call: Mexico
On the same day, Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs Alicia Bárcena was approached by Blinken on a telephone call.
☎️ La canciller @aliciabarcena sostuvo una llamada con el secretario de @StateDept de Estados Unidos, @SecBlinken, en torno a la situación en Venezuela.
La titular de la @SRE_mx refrendó la posición del @GobiernoMX de esperar el resultado del proceso ante el Tribunal Supremo de… pic.twitter.com/mHaDaxlcsT
— Relaciones Exteriores (@SRE_mx) August 15, 2024
According to the Mexican Foreign Affairs Secretariat, Blinken “expressed to Bárcena his support for the positions of Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia.”
The president of Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, reported about the call and added that he would stop his participation in the mediation effort promoted by Brazil and Colombia until “the electoral tribunal resolves” the situation.
The fourth phone call: Brazil once again
President Lula also received a call from Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to discuss Venezuela. Trudeau expressed his support for Brazil’s initiatives and his position of nonrecognition regarding the reliability of Venezuela’s election results.
Spoke with @LulaOficial today about the presidential election in Venezuela.
Canada’s position is clear: The results of the election must be credibly verified, legitimate, and they must reflect the will of the Venezuelan people. pic.twitter.com/XU0PhQaTL0
— Justin Trudeau (@JustinTrudeau) August 13, 2024
According to official reports, in his conversation with Trudeau, Lula commented, “The international community has made mistakes with Venezuela, such as the imposition of sanctions and the recognition of Juan Guaidó as president.”
Balancing acts and dilemmas
This escalation of US diplomatic pressure resulted in recent statements from Brasília and Bogotá, in which both President Lula and President Petro individually proposed new elections in Venezuela. This position received the support of US President Joe Biden.
Lula also suggested forming a coalition government or calling elections with an independent electoral committee and international observers. Petro, on the other hand, proposed lifting sanctions, general amnesty, guarantees for political activities, and a “transitional cohabitation government” leading to new elections.
Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador disagreed with Lula’s proposal, considering foreign intervention in the internal affairs of another country as imprudent.
The initiatives of the Brazilian and Colombian presidents, widely rejected by the entire Venezuelan political arc, can be interpreted as an “elegant” solution to the dilemma posed by the US pressure. With this action, they tried not to back Washington for eventual recognition of Edmundo González and, at the same time, not to recognize the victory of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro or the electoral contentions appeal process in the TSJ.
Playing on slippery and undefined terrain in times of geopolitical polarization is a bad sign in an international context where strategic autonomy defines the profile of countries in the framework of the great multipolar moment. Neither Petro nor Lula have lived up to the new trend in the global geopolitical situation.
Although the proposal does not fully satisfy the objective of intensifying hostility in the region against the Venezuelan government, it translates into leverage in the narrative of US disregard towards Venezuela.
Moreover, it offers Washington a momentary alternative. It lets Washington gain time, displace the focus of attention—without losing the sense of escalation—and delay the imposition of oil sanctions that would affect its own energy interests, especially in an electoral context when the inflation or rise in gasoline prices due to a sudden measure may end up supporting Donald Trump’s candidacy.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/SC/SF